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The Bradbury Committee Report on Municipal Savings Banks
(continued)
Birmingham Post: January 27th 1928
 

Sir Percival Bower's Complaint

 

Mr P J Hannon has deemed it necessary to make some forcible comments on the speech delivered by Sir Percival Bower, on Wednesday, on the subject of municipal banking - and we may say at once that we are not surprised. Sir Percival himself spoke with force, but his zeal was quite inadequately tempered with discretion. He is, we suppose, a Socialist. His position as a leading light of the Labour Party in Birmingham indicates as much; and his angry attack upon the Treasury Committee headed by Lord Bradbury, might, no doubt, have been acceptable to fellow Socialists had it been delivered from a party platform; but as coming from a guest at a non-party social function it was sadly inappropriate - and even regarded as a party oration it was poor stuff. Lord Bradbury and his colleagues may have been right or wrong in their conclusions. As far as their observations on the Birmingham bank are concerned they would seem to have been pretty near the mark that "changes may be necessary". In any case, their reporting requiring to be taken seriously. It was judicial in tone, and closely reasoned. In its references to the Birmingham bank it was distinctly friendly. It was the outcome of high ability, ripened by long banking experience, and we, for our part, believe that successful professional bankers can generally be trusted to understand the essentials of their own business better than amateurs or outsiders. A report of this character is not to be summarily disposed of by complaint of its " laboured reasoning", by describing it as a thing "with little or no foundation in fact"; or even by suggestion that its authors "resist the development of municipal banks from motives that are not free from self interest". Sir Percival, indeed, went even further than this. He expressed indignation that a body of persons who "clearly indicate that they are not in agreement with the general policy which brought the Birmingham Municipal Bank into existence", should have been asked to report upon the expediency of extending the system. This, as we understand it, means that the Government which appointed them was aware before they started of the opinion which, in fact, they reached after careful examination of a mass of evidence from all sources; and that in Sir Percival Bower's view it ought to have appointed persons who could have been counted upon to bring in a report of a different character. It is, no doubt, a natural position for him to take up. He cherishes (in Mr Hannon's words) " a spacious ambition to see municipal banks established all over the country"; and he disapproves of anybody who seems to stand in the way. But even so, he should have been able to make his complaint, upon a proper occasion, without imputation of motives of self-interest.

 

Sir Percival Bower hopes to see municipality after municipality challenging any and every Government by promoting Bills seeking power to establish municipal banks. And so it becomes pertinent to remind him that while certain Corporations have certainly manifested some desire to follow Birmingham's example, others - including some of the most important - have taken, and continue to take, a different view of the advantages of that course. Swansea, Wigan, Tottenham, Stoke-on-Trent, and Bristol, are among those which have made proposals. Manchester, which at one time thought about a municipal bank on commercial lines, ended by abandoning the idea. The Liverpool Finance Committee "did not recommend the establishment of a Municipal Savings Bank". The Nottingham report, "while not desiring to condemn the principle", deemed it "undesirable, unnecessary, and impracticable" to establish such an institution locally. Dundee has considered the matter, without taking action. Aberdeen remains content with the Trustee Savings Bank which, in November, 1926, had lent the Corporation over £1,435,000. And Glasgow, having considered whether or not to offer evidence to the Bradbury Committee, finally resolved to take no action. No doubt it is open to Sir Percival Bower to say that these are all benighted and unprogressive places, destitute of "vision" and lacking in municipal zeal; but the fact of the matter is that between the value of the social service which a well-conducted municipal bank may fairly be expected to render and the development locally of other and older thrift agencies, there is a relation by no means fanciful. The Birmingham bank has flourished for one reason, because there exists no Trustee Savings Bank in the city. Elsewhere, where Trustee Savings Banks are already well established and popular, the idea of a municipal bank makes less appeal. And it is an absolutely reasonable remark of the committee that one cannot be quite certain that out of a number of municipal institutions not one will ever suffer serious embarrassment; as also it is reasonable on their part to point out that the serious embarrassment even of a single institution might have far-reaching effects.

 

We hope that Sir Percival Bower, when he next discusses the subject, will be content to leave alone the problem of general policy on which the Committee has expressed so decided n opinion with an authority so much superior to his own, and will explain, instead, how - if at all - the publication of the report will affect the operations of the Birmingham bank. Two questions would seem to arise. Speaking as bankers, Lord Bradbury and his associates declare that "had they been dealing with the matter entirely afresh", they would have been disposed to recommend certain safeguards, which they describe. Because they are anxious that any municipal bank in operation shall be in a position to rely, as joint stock banks do, entirely on its own resources, and because as bankers they realise more acutely than most people the disadvantages of investments not immediately convertible into cash, they lay much stress upon the principle of "liquidity". They "would have been disposed to recommend that the Bank should keep in cash and at its bankers a balance of 5 per cent of its deposits, that 40 per cent or 45 per cent, should be placed with the National Debt Commissioners, who would invest the money in short date securities . . . . and that the Corporation should have the use of the rest of the money . . . . paying interest on terms to be prescribed by statute or fixed by the Treasury". They would also have thought it "very desirable" to increase the stability of deposits by paying interest at a higher rate on "money that proved, in fact, long-term money". What has Sir Percival Bower to say to these suggestions? Is he prepared to accept all or any of them? Is he content that against loans from the Bank the Corporation should hold stocks or bonds, which, in the opinion of the Treasury Committee, include too small a proportion of short-date securities? And, incidentally - it is a point not made by the Committee - is he completely satisfied that the Bank should advance up to 99 per cent of the purchase price of Corporation houses, valued not by its own experts, but by the officials of another department? There is nothing in the Report which need cause uneasiness. Ratepayers and depositors alike may see in it a testimonial to the management of the Municipal Bank in general. But it does point out the possibility of bringing local municipal methods more closely into conformity with those accepted as desirable by professional bankers. And we hope Sir Percival will find it possible to tell us that these hints are being very seriously considered.

 

Municipal Journal: February 3rd 1928

 

The Municipal Bank Report

 

Danger attends the controversy on the further extension of Municipal Savings Banks. In the turmoil excited by the Report of Lord Bradbury's Committee there is some reason to fear that the real significance of that important Parliamentary paper will be smothered and forgotten. To the Committee has been attributed a desire that the operations of the Birmingham Bank should be curtailed. We find no hint of any such anxiety in the Report itself.

 

The Report of the Committee appointed by Mr Winston Churchill may be regarded as summarising the results of an inquiry into three phases of the subject. First, an estimate is formed of the effect of the establishment of municipal banks on the provision of funds for local authorities. Second, the Report reviews the existing agencies for the collection of small savings, and considers their probable experience in the face of competition from banks supported by a rates guarantee. Third, the Committee glances at the consequences that would arise from a diversion of savings bank balances from Debt reduction and Public Loans advances to municipal expenditure in the district where the saving was consummated.

 

The first line of inquiry causes the Committee to turn to the Birmingham Bank accounts for information. Let it be assumed that the deposits in the municipal bank reach a considerable sum. Will the local governing authority find an extensive supply of money at cheaper rates, available for the Town Council to use as current outgoings or as capital expenditure? Three and a half per cent is paid on deposits at Birmingham - in a town, by the way, where no Trustee Bank exists to provide an alternative avenue for deposit or investment. In the finance of its house purchase scheme that rate of interest is covered by the buyer, with an addition for administration expenses. In actual practice the tenant who buys from the Birmingham Corporation pays five per cent on the outstanding amount. His gain is infinitesimal in comparison with the charge he would have borne had the Corporation raised cash by the usual methods.

 

For the ratepayers there is the advantage that, their credit not having served as a basis for Housing Loans, the Council is free to borrow for other purposes more extensively. In Birmingham the Municipal Bank relieves the ratepayers of a responsibility which they bear in most other towns. In Birmingham the deposits of the working classes provide the funds for the purchase of the houses of the working classes.

 

It may be urged that if a Corporation could utilise the undrawn balances on capital accounts, it would, to that extent, be less dependent on the money market. Presumably, the Bank would pay interest at a rate sufficient to attract depositors - and charge a higher rate to the Council. The cash would be invested in roads, sewers, and tramways, forms of equipment for the municipal service which could not be sold to meet a sudden demand for money, and unrepresented by any marketable Stock. Profoundly useful to the community, the form the cash had taken would not be liquid, and therefore would be useless either in exchange for legal tender or as collateral security. That objection is sufficient to the mind versed in the principles of banking and currency where a deposit bank is concerned, though it has no bearing on certain credit operations which a central bank can perform.

 

A further point arises. What proportion of the undrawn balances could be utilised? Experience alone could provide the answer. Meanwhile it may be observed that in the Ordinary Department of the Glasgow Trustee Savings Bank the annual withdrawals are 47.77 per cent of the balances due to depositors, and that the Birmingham Corporation, holding five millions of Municipal Bank money, retains 50 percent of that amount in securities immediately saleable. If that proportion must be held against a potential call liability, it would seem that only a small part of the total credits due to depositors could be turned into parks and paving works. In towns dependent on a single industry the Municipal Bank could not venture to make advances to the Corporation. Industrial depression would involve bankruptcy.

 

Must a Bank compete with other agencies that receive the wage-earners' savings, not excepting the co-operative societies? The result might well be disastrous. Only the Post Office Savings Bank directly guarantees the depositor. In all other cases the long drain of transfers to the Municipal Bank would ruin the Savings Bank which Parliament has authorised for the protection of the workman's thrift.

 

Over the third phase of the Committee's inquiry we must pass rapidly. In each year about ten millions are lent by the Post Office and the Trustee Banks for Debt reduction. Let that amount be withdrawn from that particular use and the Government's drafts on the Bank of England or the taxpayer must increase correspondingly. The Committee, perhaps, lays rather more stress on this point than is warranted, though the importance of Conversion at a low rate and its effect in reducing the cost of municipal borrowings is undeniable.

 

The Report calls for careful study. A city is not a commonwealth: at best it is not more than the fraction of a State. There are spheres in which a Town Council might well be given liberty. Banking is not in that category. In agreement with informed opinion on the subject, the Committee takes the view that the deposit of money and a banker's use of the cash in binding together multitudes as by a tissue makes their lives and fortunes absolutely inter-dependent. Municipal banking is dismissed as a danger, and because it is illusory to regard the multiplication of small banks, even though they be attached to local authorities, as a potential source of relief from the drain of the money market. If cheap money is to be obtained, a system more comprehensive that the collection of pence from wage-earners will be necessary.

 

Birmingham Post: February 23rd 1928

 

Report of House of Commons debate

 

MR GARDNER (Lab - Hammersmith, N) called attention in the House of Commons last night to the question of municipal banks, and moved:

That in the opinion of the House, the powers of local authorities should be extended to permit of the establishment of municipal banks for the promotion of thrift, the reduction of interest burdens upon ratepayers, and the more efficient operation of municipal services.

 

He referred to the successful experiment in municipal banking in Birmingham, and said the Treasury had vetoed a proposal to establish a municipal bank at Sheffield. What was good enough for Birmingham should not be denied to Sheffield, Leeds, Manchester, Glasgow, or any other large municipality.

 

Mr DENNISON (Lab - Birmingham, Kings Norton) seconded, and said that the Birmingham Municipal Bank had made extraordinary progress since it was established in 1916. The number of depositors had increased during the last seven years from about 40,000 to over a quarter of a million, while the amount standing to credit had increased during the same period from less than three-quarters of a million to over eight and a quarter million pounds.

 

Mr WOODCOCK (U - Everton) moved an amendment declaring the extension of municipal banks unnecessary and undesirable. There were, he urged, sufficient facilities for the encouragement of thrift without municipal banks, which were only advocated by Socialists as part of a scheme for the nationalisation of everything. Such banks would be used to obtain cheap money to be spent extravagantly on forms of municipal enterprise to the disadvantage of the community.

 

Mr GADIE (U - Bradford, Central), who seconded, said municipal banks would be controlled by officials, and not by members of the Corporation, and local government was already suffering from over-officialism. Why should people invest money in municipal banks at 3½% when there was scarcely a building society in the country which did not pay at least 5% free of taxes.

 

Mr PEHTICK LAWRENCE (Lab - Leicester W) said that in the face of the actual facts regarding municipal banking in this country, it was childish and hypercritical to cast doubt and aspersions upon the possibility of its being successful, and other municipalities were quite as capable of running banking systems. The success of this bank had been too much for the logic, judgement, and good sense of those who wished to discredit municipal banking.

 

Mr ELLIS (U -Wakefield) said municipal banks would have to enter into competition with the existing banks. They would have to offer better terms to investors, and they would have to consider whether they were not offering those terms at the risk of security. Where would they put the control of the municipal banks? The real object of the proposal was to enable municipalities, by means of subterfuge, to get money they could not now obtain.

 

Mr A M SAMUEL (Financial Secretary to the Treasury) said the amendment had the hearty goodwill of the Government, and he hoped it would be carried by a large majority. There was no lack of opportunity for thrift without the creation of municipal banks. There were 14,000 post offices throughout the country where money could  be paid in and taken out at any time. (A Labour member: Two and a half per cent.) The amount of interest was not so important as the fact that the money was so sure to be available when it was wanted. There were also building societies, which were one of the finest forms of investment for the working man's savings. He held that the case of the Birmingham Bank was a very special one, because it was formed in a city where there happened then to be insufficient catering for the small investor, and at a time when employment was very good.

 

With the regard to the plea that money would be available for the more efficient operation of municipal services, money in the municipal bank's pocket would do what it did in everyone's pocket - burn a hole in it - (laughter) - and we did not in these times want any more money spent than was absolutely necessary.

 

Mr T JOHNSTON (Lab - Dundee), referring to the objection that money would flow into municipal coffers, said there must surely be other means of securing a reduction in the interest on the National Debt than by taking the poor man's money at 2½% with ¼% for working expenses when they were paying the rich 5%. Experience showed that the idea of a run on the banks was a bogey, and as a matter of fact deposits grew every year. If the House justified the conclusions of the Bradbury Report, it would be voting for a high rate of interest and a continuance of the stranglehold on industry.

 

Mr Gardner's motion was defeated by 219 to 111, and the debate on the amendment was adjourned.

 

 

 

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